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Indonesia's MapGeography People Government Economy PEOPLE Constitutional guarantees of religious freedom apply to the five religions recognized by the state, namely Islam (87%), Protestantism (6%), Catholicism (3%), Buddhism (2%), and Hinduism (1%). In some remote areas, animism is still practiced. HISTORY Beginning in 1602, the Dutch slowly established themselves as rulers of present-day Indonesia, exploiting the weakness of the small kingdoms that had replaced that of Majapahit. The only exception was East Timor, which remained under Portugal until 1975. During 300 years of Dutch rule, the Dutch developed the Netherlands East Indies into one of the world's richest colonial possessions. During the first decade of the 20th century, an Indonesian independence movement began and expanded rapidly, particularly between the two World Wars. Its leaders came from a small group of young professionals and students, some of whom had been educated in the Netherlands. Many, including Indonesia's first president, Soekarno (1945-67), were imprisoned for political activities. The Japanese occupied Indonesia for 3 years during World War II. On August 17, 1945, three days after the Japanese surrender to the Allies, a small group of Indonesians, led by Soekarno and Mohammad Hatta, proclaimed independence and established the Republic of Indonesia. They set up a provisional government and adopted a constitution to govern the republic until elections could be held and a new constitution written. Dutch efforts to reestablish complete control met strong resistance. After 4 years of warfare and negotiations, the Dutch transferred sovereignty to a federal Indonesian Government. In 1950, Indonesia became the 60th member of the United Nations. Shortly after hostilities with the Dutch ended in 1949, Indonesia adopted a new constitution providing for a parliamentary system of government in which the executive was chosen by and made responsible to parliament. Parliament was divided among many political parties before and after the country's first nationwide election in 1955, and stable governmental coalitions were difficult to achieve. The role of Islam in Indonesia became a divisive issue. Soekarno defended a secular state based on Pancasila (five principles of the state philosophy--monotheism, humanitarianism, national unity, representative democracy by consensus, and social justice), while some Muslim groups preferred either an Islamic state or a constitution which included a preambular provision requiring adherents of Islam to be subject to Islamic law. At the time of independence, the Dutch retained control over the western half of New Guinea, and permitted steps toward self-government and independence. Negotiations with the Dutch on the incorporation of the territory into Indonesia failed, and armed clashes broke out between Indonesian and Dutch troops in 1961. In August 1962, the two sides reached an agreement, and Indonesia assumed administrative responsibility for Irian Jaya on May 1, 1963. The Indonesian Government conducted an "Act of Free Choice" in Irian Jaya under UN supervision in 1969, in which 1,025 Irianese representatives of local councils agreed by consensus to remain a part of Indonesia. A subsequent UN General Assembly resolution confirmed the transfer of sovereignty to Indonesia. Opposition to Indonesian administration of Irian Jaya, also known as Papua or West Papua, gave rise to small-scale guerrilla activity in the years following Jakarta's assumption of control. In the more open atmosphere since 1998, there have been more explicit expressions within Irian Jaya of a desire for independence from Indonesia. Unsuccessful rebellions on Sumatra, Sulawesi, West Java, and other islands beginning in 1958, plus a failure by the constituent assembly to develop a new constitution, weakened the parliamentary system. Consequently, in 1959, when President Soekarno unilaterally revived the provisional 1945 constitution, which gave broad presidential powers, he met little resistance. From 1959 to 1965, President Soekarno imposed an authoritarian regime under the label of "Guided Democracy." He also moved Indonesia's foreign policy toward nonalignment, a foreign policy stance supported by other prominent leaders of former colonies who rejected formal alliances with either the Western or Soviet blocs. Under Soekarno's auspices, these leaders gathered in Bandung, West Java, 1955, to lay the groundwork for what became known as the Non-Aligned Movement. In the late 1950s and early 1960s, President Soekarno moved closer to Asian communist states and toward the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) in domestic affairs. Though the PKI represented the largest communist party outside the Soviet Union and China, its mass support base never demonstrated an ideological adherence typical of communist parties in other countries. By 1965, the PKI controlled many of the mass civic and cultural organizations that Soekarno had established to mobilize support for his regime and, with Soekarno's acquiescence, embarked on a campaign to establish a "Fifth Column" by arming its supporters. Army leaders resisted this campaign. Under circumstances that have never been fully explained, on October 1, 1965, PKI sympathizers within the military, including elements from Soekarno's palace guard, occupied key locations in Jakarta and kidnapped and murdered six senior generals. Major General Soeharto, the commander of the Army Strategic Reserve, rallied army troops opposed to the PKI to reestablish control over the city. Violence swept throughout Indonesia in the aftermath of the October 1 events, and unsettled conditions persisted through 1966. Rightist gangs killed tens of thousands of alleged communists in rural areas. Estimates of the number of deaths range between 160,000 and 500,000. The violence was especially brutal in Java and Bali. During this period, PKI members by the tens of thousands turned in their membership cards. The emotions and fears of instability created by this crisis persisted for many years; the communist party remains banned from Indonesia. Throughout the 1965-66 period, President Soekarno vainly attempted to restore his political position and shift the country back to its pre-October 1965 position. Although he remained President, in March 1966, Soekarno had to transfer key political and military powers to General Soeharto, who by that time had become head of the armed forces. In March 1967, the Provisional People's Consultative Assembly (MPRS) named General Soeharto acting President. Soekarno ceased to be a political force and lived under virtual house arrest until his death in 1970. President Soeharto proclaimed a "New Order" in Indonesian politics and dramatically shifted foreign and domestic policies away from the course set in Soekarno's final years. The New Order established economic rehabilitation and development as its primary goals and pursued its policies through an administrative structure dominated by the military but with advice from Western-educated economic experts. In 1968, the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) formally selected Soeharto to a full 5-year term as President, and he was re-elected to successive 5-year terms in 1973, 1978, 1983, 1988, 1993, and 1998. In mid-1997, Indonesia was afflicted by the Asian financial and economic crisis, accompanied by the worst drought in 50 years and falling prices for oil, gas, and other commodity exports. The rupiah plummeted, inflation soared, and capital flight accelerated. Demonstrators, initially led by students, called for Soeharto's resignation. Amidst widespread civil unrest, Soeharto resigned on May 21, 1998, 3 months after the MPR had selected him for a seventh term. Soeharto's hand-picked Vice President, B.J. Habibie, became Indonesia's third President. President Habibie reestablished International Monetary Fund (IMF) and donor community support for an economic stabilization program. He released several prominent political and labor prisoners, initiated investigations into the unrest, and lifted controls on the press, political parties, and labor unions. In January 1999, Habibie and the Indonesian Government agreed to a process, with UN involvement, under which the people of East Timor would be allowed to choose between autonomy and independence through a direct ballot. The direct ballot was held on August 30, 1999. Some 98% of registered voters cast their ballots, and 78.5% of the voters chose independence over continued integration with Indonesia. Many persons were killed by Indonesian military forces, and military-backed militias, in a wave of violence and destruction after the announcement of the pro-independence vote. Indonesia? first elections in the post-Soeharto period were held for the national, provincial, and sub-provincial parliaments on June 7, 1999. The elections were contested by 48 political parties. For the national parliament, Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan (PDI-P, Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle led by Megawati Soekarnoputri) won 34% of the vote; Golkar ("Functional Groups" party) 22%; Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB, National Awakening Party linked to Nadhlatul Ulama and headed by Abdurrahman Wahid) 13%; and Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP, United Development Party led by Hamzah Haz) 11%. The MPR selected Abdurrahman Wahid as Indonesia's fourth President in November 1999 and replaced him with Megawati Soekarnoputri in July 2001. In 2001 and 2002, the MPR amended the constitution to provide for the direct election, by popular vote, of the president and vice president. In 2004? elections, only parties or coalitions of parties that gained at least 3% of the House of Representatives (DPR) seats or 5% of the vote in national legislative elections were eligible to nominate a presidential and vice presidential ticket. The 2004 legislative elections took place on April 5 and appeared generally free and fair. PDI-P lost its plurality in the House of Representatives, dropping to under 19% of the total vote, while Golkar remained basically at 1999 levels, with 21% of the vote. Five other parties won between 6 and 11% of the national vote. Of the 18 other parties that participated, 9 won small numbers of seats in the DPR. The first direct presidential election was held on July 5, 2004, contested by five tickets. No one candidate won at least 50% of the vote, so a runoff election between the top two candidates, President Megawati Sukarnoputri and retired General Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, was held on September 20, 2004. In this final round, General Yudhoyono won 60.6% of the vote, a margin of just over 20% greater than his rival. Approximately 76.6% of the eligible voters participated, a total of roughly 117 million people, making Indonesia? the largest and most complex single-day election in the world. The Carter Center issued a statement congratulating "the people and leaders of Indonesia for the successful conduct of the presidential election and the peaceful atmosphere that has prevailed throughout the ongoing democratic transition." GOVERNMENT AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS The president, elected for a 5-year term, is the dominant government and political figure. The president and the vice president were elected by popular vote for the first time on September 20, 2004. Previously, the MPR selected Indonesia? president. In 1999, the MPR selected Abdurrahman Wahid, also known as Gus Dur, as the fourth President. Wahid proved unable to govern effectively and the MPR impeached him in July 2001, immediately appointing then-Vice President Megawati Soekarnoputri as the fifth President. Although Megawati brought a certain amount of stability back to the country, her progress in combating corruption and improving the economy were not enough to satisfy the electorate, and in September 2004 Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono was elected as her replacement. The president, assisted by a cabinet that he appoints, has the authority to conduct the administration of the government and is accountable only to the MPR. President Yudhoyono? Democratic Party (PD), holds only 55 seats out of 550 seats in the People? Representative Assembly (DPR), making it the fifth-largest in the legislature the effectiveness of his administration is could hinge on his ability to forge a successful coalition or working relationship with the other factions. The 38 appointed seats previously reserved in the DPR for the armed forces (TNI) have been phased out. The new People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) has 678 members, consisting of the 550 members of the DPR and the 128 representatives of the newly-formed Regional Representative Council (DPD), which includes four members from each of Indonesia? 32 provinces. The armed forces shaped and provided leadership for Soeharto's New Order from the time it came to power in the wake of the abortive 1965 uprising. Military officers, especially from the army, were key advisers to Soeharto and Habibie and had considerable influence on policy. Under the dual function concept ("dwifungsi"), the military asserted a continuing role in socio-political affairs. This concept was used to justify placement of officers to serve in the civilian bureaucracy at all government levels. Although the military still has great influence and is perhaps the only truly national institution, dwifungsi has been abolished, ending its formal involvement in government administration. Military officers must now resign from the armed forces before taking a civilian government position or political office. The police have been separated from the military, further reducing the military's direct role in governmental matters. Principal Government Officials The embassy of Indonesia is at 2020 Massachusetts Avenue NW, Washington, DC 20036 (tel. 202-775-5200-5207; fax: 202-775-5365). Consulates General are in New York (5 East 68th Street, New York, NY 10021, tel. 212-879-0600/0615; fax: 212-570-6206); Los Angeles (3457 Wilshire Blvd., Los Angeles, CA 90010; tel. 213-383-5126; fax: 213-487-3971); Houston (10900 Richmond Ave., Houston, TX 77042; tel. 713-785-1691; fax: 713-780-9644). Consulates are in San Francisco (1111 Columbus Avenue, San Francisco, CA 94133; tel. 415-474-9571; fax: 415-441-4320); and Chicago (2 Illinois Center, Suite 1422233 N. Michigan Avenue, Chicago, IL 60601; tel. 312-938-0101/4; 312-938-0311/0312; fax: 312-938-3148). ECONOMY In the mid-1980s, the government began eliminating regulatory obstacles to economic activity. The steps were aimed primarily at the external and financial sectors and were designed to stimulate employment and growth in the non-oil export sector. Annual real gross domestic product (GDP) growth averaged nearly 7% from 1987-97, and most analysts recognized Indonesia as a newly industrializing economy and emerging major market. The Asian financial crisis of 1997 altered the region? economic landscape: in 1998 Indonesia experienced negative GDP growth of 13.7% and unemployment rose to 15-20%. In the aftermath of the 1997-98 financial crisis, the government took custody of a significant portion of private sector assets through acquisition of non-performing bank loans and corporate assets through the debt restructuring process, but subsequently disposed of most of the assets averaging 29% return on the assets received. Indonesia has since recovered-- albeit slower than some of its neighbors--and has recapitalized its banking sector, improved oversight of capital markets, and taken steps to stimulate growth and investment, particularly in infrastructure. GDP growth was 4.3% in 2002, 4.5% in 2003, and 5.1% in 2004. Economic Policy President Yudhoyono and his team have targeted average growth of 6.6% from 2004-2009 to reduce unemployment and poverty significantly. Indonesia's overall macroeconomic picture is stable and improving, although GDP growth rates have not yet returned to pre-crisis levels. Indonesia? 4th quarter 2004 GDP growth was 6.1%, its highest level since the 1997-98 financial crisis, and full year growth in 2004 was 5.1%. Per capita income rose to $1,143, topping the pre-crisis level. Domestic consumption continued to account for the largest portion of GDP, at about 66.5%, followed by investment at 20.9%, and net exports at 12.6%. In evidence of an accelerating economy, investment grew 15% in the second half of 2004, a significant shift from investment growth in 2003 of only 1.9%. Capital goods imports increased 41.3% in 2004, a further indication of a strengthening economy. The government? success in pushing forward its ambitious reform plan will determine whether Indonesia's GDP growth rates can recover to pre-crisis levels, and whether Indonesia will again become a favored destination for foreign investors. Fuel Prices and Inflation Banking Sector BI plans to adopt Basel II standards beginning in 2008, and is establishing a credit bureau to centralize data on borrowers. Another important reform is the Government of Indonesia? decision to gradually reduce the blanket guarantee on bank third-party liabilities beginning in 2006. BI and the Government of Indonesia will replace the blanket guarantee with a deposit insurance scheme run by an independent "Indonesian Deposit Insurance Agency." The new deposit insurance scheme, which will begin operations in September 2005, will cover deposits in all foreign, commercial, state-owned, rural, and shariah banks. Indonesia currently has 134 private banks, 52 of which have capital under IDR 100 billion (US$ 10.8 million) and control less than 0.2% market share. Four state-owned banks (Bank Mandiri, BNI, BRI, BTN) continue to dominate the sector with approximately 40% of assets. In late 2004, the Government of Indonesia sold approximately $520 million in shares of several banks formerly owned by the Indonesian Bank Restructuring Agency (IBRA). The Government of Indonesia plans to sell more shares of ex-IBRA banks in 2005 but has no plans to privatize state-owned banks. Three small banks representing less than 0.6% of combined market share failed in 2004, apparently due to owner malfeasance. The three--Bank Dagang Bali, Bank Asiatic and Bank Global--presented no systemic risk, but nevertheless highlighted continuing weaknesses in both bank management and BI's supervision and examination regimes. Exchange Rate Earthquake and Tsunami Impact on Economy Exports and Trade Oil and Minerals Sector The state owns all oil and mineral rights. Foreign firms participate through production sharing and work contracts. The Indonesian Government passed a petroleum law in October 2001 that deregulated the upstream and downstream sectors. The law and follow-on implementing regulations transformed Pertamina into a state-owned enterprise, and eliminates the distinction between foreign and domestic oil and gas companies. Pertamina? monopoly over downstream oil distribution and marketing of fuel products will end in 2005. Management of Production Sharing Contracts (PSCs), which authorize investors to produce oil and gas, has shifted from Pertamina to an executive body within the central government that reports directly to the President, though the Energy Minister is regularly consulted. A new downstream regulatory body has assumed the role of Pertamina in controlling downstream activities. Oil and gas contractors are required to finance all exploration, production, and development costs in their contract areas; they are entitled to recover operating, exploration, and development costs out of the oil and gas produced. Although minerals production traditionally centered on bauxite, silver, and tin production, Indonesia is expanding its copper, nickel, gold, and coal output for export markets. In mid-1993, the Energy Ministry reopened the coal sector to foreign investment. Total coal production reached 127 million metric tons in 2004, including exports of 105.6 million tons. The Indonesian Government hopes to export 115 million metric tons of coal in 2005, which would surpass Australia and make Indonesia the world? largest thermal coal exporter. Two U.S. firms operate three copper/gold mines in Indonesia, with a Canadian and U.K. firm holding significant other investments in nickel and gold, respectively. Indonesian gold production in 2004 was 112 tons, down from a peak of 180 tons in 2001. The primary reason for the slump in production was decreased output at Grasberg following a late 2003 pit wall failure. Freeport? Grasberg mine is the country? and world? biggest gold producing mine. Indonesia? share of global exploration spending has dropped from 3% to 1% ? since 1998 only three new gold mines have opened. This does not reflect Indonesia? mineral prospectivity, which is high; rather the decline reflects uncertainty over mining laws and regulations, low competiveness in the tax and royalty system, and investor concerns over divestment policies and the sanctity of contracts. Investment President Yudhoyono and his economic ministers have stated repeatedly their intention since taking office in October 2004, to improve the climate for private sector investment in order to raise the level of GDP growth and reduce unemployment. Though investment grew 15% in the second half of 2004, a significant shift from investment growth in 2003 of only 1.9%, many challenges remain. In addition to general corruption and legal uncertainty, businesses have cited a number of specific factors that have reduced the competitiveness of Indonesia's investment climate, including corrupt and inefficient customs services; non-transparent and arbitrary tax administration; inflexible labor markets that have reduced Indonesia's advantage in labor-intensive manufacturing; increasing infrastructure bottlenecks; and uncompetitive investment laws and regulations. By early 2005, significant reform efforts were underway in many of these areas. With the passage of a new copyright law in July 2002, and accompanying optical disc regulations in 2004, Indonesia? intellectual property rights regime was greatly strengthened. However, the lack of effective enforcement remains a major concern to U.S. intellectual property holders and foreign investors particularly in the high-technology sector. NATIONAL SECURITY The Indonesian National Police were for many years a branch of the armed forces. The police were formally separated from the military in April 1999, a process that was formally completed in July 2000. With 250,000 personnel, the police represent a much smaller portion of the population than in most nations. Indonesia is at peace with its neighbors. Without a credible external threat in the region, the military historically viewed its prime mission as assuring internal security. Military leaders now say they wish to transform the military to a professional, external security force but insist that the armed forces will continue to play an internal security role for some time. Throughout Indonesian history the military maintained a prominent role in the nation's political and social affairs. Traditionally a significant number of cabinet members had military backgrounds, while active duty and retired military personnel occupied a large number of seats in the parliament. Commanders of the various territorial commands played influential roles in the affairs of their respective regions. With the inauguration of the newly-elected national parliament in October 2004, the military no longer has a formal political role, although it retains important political influence. |
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