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Colombia's MapPeople Government Economy PEOPLE HISTORY, GOVERNMENT, AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS The Spanish sailed along the north coast of Colombia as early as 1500, but their first permanent settlement, at Santa Marta, was not established until 1525. In 1549, the area was a Spanish colony with the capital at Santa Fe de Bogot?. In 1717, Bogot? became the capital of the Viceroyalty of New Granada, which included what are now Venezuela, Ecuador, and Panama. The city became one of the principal administrative centers of the Spanish possessions in the New World, along with Lima and Mexico City. On July 20, 1810, the citizens of Bogot? created the first representative council to defy Spanish authority. Full independence was proclaimed in 1813, and in 1819 the Republic of Greater Colombia was formed. The new Republic of Greater Colombia included all the territory of the former Viceroyalty. Simon Bolivar was elected its first president with Francisco de Paula Santander as vice president. Conflicts between the followers of Bolivar and Santander led to the formation of two political parties that have since dominated Colombian politics. Bolivar's supporters, who later formed the nucleus of the Conservative Party, sought strong centralized government, alliance with the Roman Catholic Church, and a limited franchise. Santander's followers, forerunners of the Liberals, wanted a decentralized government, state rather than church control over education and other civil matters, and a broadened suffrage. Throughout the 19th and early 20th centuries, each party held the presidency for roughly equal periods of time, during which three notable statesmen stand out: Tom?s Cipriano de Mosquera, Rafael Nu?ez, and Rafael Reyes. Colombia maintained a tradition of civilian government and regular, free elections. Notwithstanding the country's commitment to democratic institutions, Colombia's history also has been characterized by widespread, violent conflict. Two civil wars resulted from bitter rivalry between the Conservative and Liberal parties: The War of a Thousand Days (1899-1902) claimed an estimated 100,000 lives, and La Violencia (1946-1957) cost another 300,000 Colombian lives. La Violencia (The Violence) In 1953, Gomez fled into exile when ousted by a military coup led by General Gustavo Rojas Pinilla. The new president was a lead actor in reducing the conflict during La Violencia. When he failed to restore democratic rule after four years and became implicated in corrupt schemes, however, he was overthrown by the military with the backing of the Liberal and Conservative Parties. It was out of this alliance between the two parties that the National Front emerged. The National Front Post-National Front Years An attack on the Palace of Justice in Bogot? by the AD/M-19 on November 6-7, 1985, and its violent suppression by the army, shocked Colombians. Of the 115 people killed, 11 were Supreme Court justices. Although the government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) renewed their truce in March 1986, peace with other revolutionary movements, in particular the AD/M-19--then the largest insurgent group--and the National Liberation Army (ELN) was remote as Betancur left office. The AD/M-19 and several smaller guerilla groups were successfully incorporated into a peace process during the late 1980s, which culminated in a national assembly to write a new constitution, which took effect in 1991. The FARC had declared a unilateral cease-fire under Betancur, which led to the establishment of the Union Patriotica (UP), a legal and non-clandestine political organization. After growing violence against its UP members, when an estimated 1,000-3,000 members were killed, the truce with the FARC again ended in 1990. Following administrations had to contend with the guerrillas, paramilitaries, and narcotics traffickers. Narco-terrorists assassinated three presidential candidates before Cesar Gaviria Trujillo was elected in 1990. Since the death of Medell?n cartel leader Pablo Escobar in a police shootout in December 1993, indiscriminate acts of violence associated with his organization have abated as the "cartels" now are broken up into multiple, smaller and often-competing trafficking organizations. Nevertheless, violence continues as these drug organizations resort to violence as part of their operations, as well as to protest against government policies, especially extradition. President Ernesto Samper assumed office in August 1994. However, a political crisis relating to large-scale contributions from drug traffickers to Samper's presidential campaign diverted attention from governance programs, thus slowing, and in many cases, halting progress on the nation's domestic reform agenda. The Pastrana Administration and Peace Process No single explanation fully addresses the deep roots of Colombia's present-day troubles, but they include limited government presence in large areas of the interior, the expansion of illicit drug cultivation, endemic violence, and social inequities. In order to confront these challenges, the Pastrana administration unveiled its "Plan Colombia" in late 1999, a comprehensive strategy to deal with these longstanding, mutually reinforcing problems. The main objectives of Plan Colombia are to promote peace, combat the narcotics industry, revive the Colombian economy, improve respect for human rights, and strengthen the democratic and social institutions of the country. In November 1998, Pastrana ceded an area the size of Switzerland in south- central Colombia to the FARC's control as a goodwill gesture, but the rebels negotiated with the government only fitfully while continuing to mount attacks and expand their coca production, essentially establishing a parallel government in the region under their control. Negotiations with the rebels in 2000 and 2001 were marred by rebel attacks, kidnappings, and fighting between rebels and paramilitaries for control of coca-growing areas in Colombia. As a result, popular disenchantment with Pastrana increased. In February 2002, after the FARC hijacked an airplane and kidnapped a senator, Pastrana ordered the military to attack rebel positions and reassert control over the rebel zone. FARC withdrew into the jungle and began attacks against the power grid, telecommunications facilities, and other aspects of Colombia's infrastructure in an attempt to disrupt the lives of the largely urban population while avoiding a direct conflict with the military. The Uribe Administration His inauguration on August 7, 2002 brought about violent attacks. Though Uribe was spared, the rockets launched at the presidential palace by FARC terrorists killed 19 people and injured many more. Uribe declared a state of limited emergency as a first step toward strengthening the country's law enforcement and military capabilities. In the fall of 2002, the administration released the much-awaited Colombian national security strategy, entitled Democratic Security and Defense Policy. The Plan fit within the broader social, economic, and political goals of Plan Colombia. Though much attention has been focused on the security and military aspects of Colombia's situation, the administration also is spending significant time on issues such as expanding international trade, supporting alternate means of development, and reforming Colombia's judicial system. Halfway through his four-year term, President Uribe enjoys record high popularity ratings around 70% as a result of improvements in public security. Between May 2002 and September 2004 Colombia saw a decrease in homicide by 17.6%, massacres by 55.4%, kidnappings by 35.1%, and acts of terrorism by 18.4%. The economy is projected to grow by over 4% in 2004, compared to 3% in 2003. Coca and poppy cultivation has decreased by 33% since 2001. Constitutional Reforms Colombia's bicameral Congress consists of a 102-member Senate and a 161-member House of Representatives. Senators are elected on the basis of a nationwide ballot, while representatives are elected in multimember districts co-located within the 32 national departments. The country's capital is a separate district and elects its own representatives. Members may be re-elected indefinitely. Congress meets twice a year, and the president has the power to call it into special session, if required. Colombia's legal system has recently begun to incorporate some elements of an oral, adversarial system. The judicial branch's general structure is composed of four distinct jurisdictions (civilian, administrative, constitutional, and special). Colombia's highest judicial bodies include the co-equal Supreme Court, the Council of State, the Constitutional Court, and the Superior Judicial Council. This sometimes leads to conflicting opinions since there is no court that has clear authority over the decisions of the other three. Principal Government Officials Colombia maintains an embassy in the United States at 2118 Leroy Place NW, Washington, DC 20008 (tel. 202-387-8338). Consulates are located in Atlanta, Boston, Chicago, Houston, Los Angeles, Miami, New York, San Francisco, San Juan, and Washington. DEFENSE Many Colombian military personnel have received training in the United States or in Colombia. The United States has provided equipment to the Colombian military and police through the military assistance program, foreign military sales, and the international narcotics control program. Narcoterrorism Terrorism in Colombia both supports and draws resources from the narcotics industry, kidnapping, and extortion, threatening U.S. citizens and economic interests. Colombia’s terrorists have kidnapped over 50 American citizens since 1992, and killed at least 10. Three American citizens, who had been working on counternarcotics programs, are still being held hostage in Colombia, captured by the FARC in February 2003. The Colombian government, with United States Government’s support, is making progress to guarantee the rule of law throughout the country. Its citizens are safer than ever before, and the country enjoys effective guarantees for the exercise of political pluralism. Between May 2002 and September 2004 Colombia has seen a decrease in homicide by 17.6%, massacres by 55.4%, kidnappings by 35.1%, and acts of terrorism by 18.4%. The government has also committed itself to the eradication of all illicit crops, interdiction of drug shipments, and financial controls to prevent money laundering. Also between May 2002 and September 2004, Colombian security forces have interdicted 558 metric tons of cocaine, coca base, and heroin. Coca and poppy cultivation has decreased by 33% since 2001. There has been some progress towards peace negotiations with illegal armed groups. Formal peace talks between the government and the Colombian Self-Defense Forces (AUC) paramilitary group began in July of 2004 in Santa Fe de Ralito, in the northern department of Cordoba. The government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia guerrilla group (FARC) have also been negotiating a humanitarian agreement that would include the release of American hostages. ECONOMY Unlike many of its neighboring countries, Colombia has not suffered any dramatic economic collapses. The Uribe administration seeks to maintain prudent fiscal policies, and has pursued tough economic reforms include tax, pension and budget reforms. The administration has chosen to finance much of its increased spending on security through a one-time tax on the nation's wealthiest citizens. The administration also has pledged to invest heavily in the country's infrastructure. GDP growth for 2004 is projected to be 4% and as of July 2004, unemployment has declined to 12.9%. In addition to the domestic goals of keeping inflation low and maintaining a stable currency (the Colombian peso), the administration has put a heavy emphasis on increasing trade liberalization. The administration's strong fiscal management helped it to be ranked by the World Bank in 2004 as having made the largest strides in Latin America in simplifying the requirements to start a business. The Colombia economy, which has stagnated since 1999, has started to rebound, as indicated by a 2004 second quarter GDP growth of 4.5%. Much of this impressive growth can be attributed to the Andean Trade Preference and Drug Eradication Act (ATPDEA), which will expire in 2006. The ATPDEA-benefited exports to the U.S. fueled industrial production during the first quarter ($700 million in exports in the first quarter of 2003 vs. $700 million annually since the late 1990s). The GOC along with other Andean Nations and the US are currently engaged in Free Trade Negotiations, which are expected to be finished in 2005. Trade Mining, manufacturing industries and oil have attracted the greatest U.S. investment interest in 2004. U.S. investment accounted 14.5% of the total $1.7 billion in foreign direct investment at the end of 2003. Mining and Energy The Pastrana and the Uribe administration have significantly liberalized Colombia’s petroleum sector, leading to an increase in exploration and production contracts from both large and small hydrocarbon industries. In 2002, royalties were linked to the size of the discovery as opposed to a flat rate. In 2003, a new oil policy created the National Agency for Hydrocarbons, which as of 2004 administers all exploration and production contracts instead of Ecopetrol, the state owned hydrocarbon company. Ecopetrol must now compete along side other hydrocarbon companies for exploration and production contracts, separating state roles as investor and resource administrator. State association contracts have dropped from 30% to 0%, allowing private companies 100% ownership upon exploration success. Refining capacity can satisfy domestic demand for gasoline, but as of October 2004, Colombia’s domestic demand for diesel outpaced its refining capacity. Colombia is in the process of renovating and expanding their Cartagena refinery in order to meet its domestic demands and eventually export more refined products. The country's oil industry has continuously been a target of extortion and bombing campaigns by the ELN and the FARC; however, strong security polices and an offensive military posture have recently reduced attacks on pipelines. In the first eight months of 2004, there have been 66 attacks on oil pipelines, which is a decrease of 16% from 2003. Comparing the first eight months of 2003 and 2004, attacks against the Ca?o Lim?n-Cove?as pipeline significantly dropped from 24 to 15 attacks due to increased military presence and quicker military reaction to pipeline attacks. Colombia has the largest coal reserves in Latin America. It also possesses significant amounts of ferronickel, gold, silver, platinum, and emeralds. For 2003, Colombia’s production levels increased for carbon, gold, platinum, silver, emeralds, and nickel. Carbon production reached 49.4 million tons, a 25% increase from 2002. Gold production also experienced a major increase of 124% from 2002 to 2003, primarily due to the increase in the price of gold. Foreign Investment Industry and Agriculture Colombia's diverse climate and topography permit the cultivation of a wide variety of crops. In addition, all regions yield forest products, ranging from tropical hardwoods in the lowlands to pine and eucalyptus in the colder areas. Cacao, sugarcane, coconuts, bananas, plantains, rice, cotton, tobacco, cassava, and most of the nation's beef cattle are produced in the hot regions from sea level to 1,000 meters elevation. The temperate regions--between 1,000 and 2,000 meters--are better suited for coffee; flowers; corn and other vegetables; and fruits such as citrus, pears, pineapples, and tomatoes. The cooler elevations--between 2,000 and 3,000 meters--produce wheat, barley, potatoes, cold-climate vegetables, flowers, dairy cattle, and poultry. |
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